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riceOïse Nanou was born on September 3, 1963 in Brazzaville. He was the son of Mr. Songuemas and Mrs. Marie-Josée Mathey, the fourth of seven children. He died on Saturday, July 27, 2024 at his home in Puteaux, 92, France.
course
After obtaining a Bachelor of Science degree in Brazzaville, he arrived in France in 1980 to start university courses. He studied biology, with a specialization in food biology.
He will be employed by server (a company that prepares and delivers meals for airlines) as a quality inspector.
In 2014, he became the co-founder Congolese National Conference (ANC). He was also a member of the current ANC office from 2018 until his disappearance.
Why political tributes?
I was just about to express my opinion through the Whatssap group discussion” policy », when I learned about the death of cadet Moïse Songuemas Mathey. Moïse was a staunch activist of the ANC. He deserves to be dedicated to this political article I am writing. We must remember him, his humility, his sincerity and his steadfastness in the ANC.
May he enlighten us from Mpemba, the place of no return where he now finds himself, about the destiny of our country and restore it to peace, freedom and development.
Moise was one of those rare members of the ANC who heard from everyone without taboos. He was our conveyor belt of information. Since the dead never die, but only pass away, on the other side of life, dear Moses, please continue to help us, even through dreams, so that the political struggle you have invested in can be victorious in the near future.
Rest in peace dear Moses. May the ancestors give you a special place in their home.
Introductory remarks
In a discussion on the Whatssap Politiques group, I called out to two members: A side question to my two brothers, Cicero Massamba and Mathieu Bakima Baliele:
How can we participate in the politics of Congo-Brazzaville and change things irreversibly? Be patriotic. »
Both politely contributed their visions. Mathieu compared the failure of our National Sovereignty Conference (CNS) in Benin’s democratic process to the regular alternation of Cicero’s insistence on “how to create a national consciousness”, the beacon of the CNS being misused …?
introduce
I am very grateful to Cicero and Mathieu for playing the game of paradoxical thinking, which is a rare commodity but worth encouraging in our Congolese community.
To summarize your discussion, I would like to quote Mathieu, who sets the historical scene by comparing the experiences of Congo and Benin. Why did the Congolese CNS fail?
As Aimé Césaire said, and I paraphrase, the shortest path to the future is to go back to the past. The past is like a rudder, like a rear-view mirror, which helps to avoid obstacles in order to better move forward in the present and the future.
The political actors who managed the CNS were not careful about the duration of the political transition. It was too short. The transitional government did not have time to establish all the institutions, including the Constitutional Council, which would have brought down the elected regime when the war broke out on June 5, 1997. The Prime Minister did not have time and did not implement certain bills of the CNS, such as those related to the university profile.
Mathieu reviewed the many alternations Benin has gone through since the end of the CNS. Why is this not possible in Congo Brazzaville? Benin has not experienced a civil war. In Congo, the war of June 5, 1997 destroyed the achievements of the CNS.
exist The roots of Congo’s evilthe will of Congolese politician Aimé Matsika, who ” The main regret was expressed for the political immaturity of the participants in the useless Conference of Sovereign States. He particularly condemned the members of the Constitutional Council, who, instead of reflecting on the foundations and content of the Constitution in order to establish a true democracy in the Congo, copied the Constitution of the Fifth Republic of France, showing intellectual laziness. Thus, instead of resolving the multiple political problems that have arisen in the Central Congolese territory since its accession to the political majority in 1956, the CNS has exacerbated them. » (For this purpose read Aimé Matsika, The Origins of Congo’s Evil, Preface by Jerome Malonga-Bartola, Paari, Paris, 2019, 200 pages.
What does history tell us?
Chieftainship in Bantu society is a centuries-old peculiarity. When we look at the pre-colonial Congolese state, Tio The Bantu states of the pre-colonial period were federations of multiple entities.
Even before the colonists arrived, each village had its own chief. The chiefs of all the villages in a region were dependent on a larger place called First (Case of the State of Congo). Our ancestors experienced a decentralized political system close to federalism. Local authorities were autonomous but at the same time complementary.
The Democratic Republic of Congo and Angola, colonies of Belgium and Portugal respectively, have a dual political system, in the sense that they are certainly centralized states, but with a certain degree of federalism. Even though there is only one president for the whole country, the constitution respects the specificity of the provinces, setting up a province and we find that most of the elected officials come from the relevant region. In Angola, the province of Zaire is governed by Zaire nationals. We cannot imagine a person from the distant province of Cunene, which borders Namibia, parachuting in. In the Democratic Republic of Congo, Moise Katumbi leads the province of Katanga because he was born there and is committed to the development of the province. This situation does not bother anyone, on the contrary it is well received because it is a lever for local development. Moise Katumbi did not wait for orders from Kinshasa to organize his province and provide jobs for graduates in his area. Each province can and must take responsibility for its own development. There are complementarities and compensations. We can give the example of the port of Matadi, located in the Central Province of Congo, but the flow of funds from customs boosts the entire economy of the Democratic Republic of Congo.
The CNS has adopted a bill to make Congo-Brazzaville a decentralized state. In my opinion, it has never been implemented.
Some food for thought
Let us join Cicero in awakening the emergence of a new national consciousness, which he describes as taking at least five years to gestate and going through:
– reorganizing existing departments into five major provinces;
– Each province will be governed by a governor who will head a provincial council composed of members from different regions;
(…)
This configuration finally solves the problem of ethnic groups that have to wait their turn to receive state power. The Jacobin model of political power that our country has experienced has led to a climate of mistrust among the elites. The accession of one ethnic group to political power is associated with the repression and/or elimination of other ethnic groups or executives of other sectors. This model is compatible with the idea of former colonizers that divisions are always for the sake of better rule. But in a configuration of complete decentralization, in line with our ancestral customs, all ethnic groups are equal and complementary. Everyone must have the opportunity to manage the land where they were born, and compensatory mechanisms will be established that allow the central state to correct inequalities in all areas of socio-economic life. For example, if there are too many teachers in Buenza, we can, through the central government, assign some teachers to the Likuala sector, where there may be a deficit.
What are the weaknesses of the Jacobin model in which Congo-Brazzaville operates?
We expect everything from the Chief Justice, but he is unable to cope with all the social, political and economic challenges that a modern state must face due to the limitations of human nature. This explains, for example, that in the 21st century, the Congolese, living in an archaic environment, cannot provide themselves with a reliable network of drinking water in one of the most irrigated countries in the world. Technologies related to water management, treatment and transportation are common elsewhere.
Don’t we have the ability to master and implement them?
No, it is because we have to wait for the decision of the Chief Justice or because the person occupying the administrative position is a patriarch who does not have the required skills. In addition, the state may lose its sovereignty if the Chief Executive is inadvertently conquered by a foreign power.
However, in the semi-federal model where each province has a governor, external intervention is impossible. Since the governor must make decisions without the approval of his legislators and the heads of the departments under his leadership, any decision involving national sovereignty must be filtered through multiple decision-making layers (province, central government, etc.). One person, no matter how responsible he is, cannot bear the responsibility of the entire country alone.
in conclusion
Ultimately, the Congolese must innovate and think about the political structure of the country they want to live in tomorrow. Benin succeeded, Congo failed. For what? Sociologically, Congolese society is different from Benin society. On the other hand, Congo-Brazzaville is sociologically and culturally close to the Democratic Republic of Congo and Angola, even though we don’t have the same colonizers.
Minister Aimee Mazika’s political testamentThe roots of Congo’s evil), which partly explains the failure of the Congolese CNS.
Long before colonization, the political model in which our ancestors lived was decentralized and quasi-federal. Ethnic complementarity is an opportunity to preserve our country, because in each language we find a diversity of knowledge that allows humans to understand and tame the world around us. For example, a Pygmy will decode medicinal plants more perfectly than a Loango. On the other hand, a Loango, because he is familiar with the Atlantic coast, knows more about seafood than other Congolese. It is this ethnic complementarity that makes our country rich. This can only be guaranteed and maximized through a political system that is compatible with multiple ethnic groups. This political system is called federalism. Each country can take advantage of it by adapting it to its social and cultural reality.
Notice: : For this purpose please read: Ruffin Mpaka, Congo’s renaissance. Federalism and state reconstruction in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, La Loupe, Paari Publishers, 2021, 184 pages.
Goodbye, dear Moise Sangmas Mathai.
Mawa Mawa-Kise,
La Loup, July 30, 2024.
Moise Songomas Massi (1963 – 2024)
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