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Kayhan newspaper criticised the publication of the list of election candidates.
The newspaper wrote: The Etemad newspaper chain, while lining up some people whose qualifications were rejected in previous elections, also introduced them as possible candidates.
Under the heading “Possible candidates”, the Trust listed the names of these people: “Abbas Akhundi, Mohammad Javad Azari, Jahormi Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, Majid Ansari, Mehrdad Bazarpash, Masoud Mezkiyan, Aziz Jafari, Saeed Jalili, Ishaq Jahangiri, Gholam Ali Haddad Adel, Mohammad Javad Haqshanas, Hossein Dehghan, Ali Rabiei, Mohsen Rezaei, Alireza Zakani, Mohammad Shariatmadari, Ali Shamkhani, Mohammad Sadr, Ezzatullah Zarghami, Ali Tayabnia, Mohammad Javad Zarif, Mohammad Reza Aref, Hossein Alaei, Parviz Fattah, Mohammad Baqer Qalibaf, Mostafa Kovakbian, Ali Larijani, Gholamhossein Mohseni Ajeei, Mohammad Mokhbar, Ali Motahari, Shahindokht Molaverdi, Mohsen Mehralizadeh, Mohammad Baqer Nobakht, Mohsen Hashemi, Naser Hemti.
This is despite the fact that some of the above were disqualified in previous elections. Others, such as Abbas Akhundi, continued to demonstrate their incompetence and incompetence at the cabinet level, faced widespread public protests and pressure for impeachment by MPs, and ultimately chose to resign rather than continue in the cabinet.
The sevenfold increase in housing prices is one of the souvenirs of the Occidentalist aristocratic minister, who had nothing but ridicule for housing, during whose administration housing prices experienced several explosive increases as housing production fell sharply. Some of the people mentioned lack the minimum administrative and management records, as well as political and religious beliefs (conditions for being a presidential candidate).
Meanwhile, Etemad newspaper quoted Elias Hazrati (owner of the newspaper’s franchise) as saying: We want all classes to participate in the elections.
Hazrat, who had a history of contact with Shahram Jazayeri, an economic corrupter during the reform era and was disqualified in the parliamentary elections, said: “It must be admitted that the incident that happened to the recently served martyrs was very painful and devastating. The loss in this incident was huge because we lost important funds at the top. After 3 years at the top of the pyramid of state executives, Shahid Raisi had just gained experience [!]mature and master major domestic and international issues.
Besides, he was a healthy and honest person, based on this honesty and health, his work and blessings were visible in his field of administration. This trend also applies to our martyred Foreign Minister Hossein Amirabdollahian… Iran passed the last 3 elections with a policy of minimum participation and reliable choice.
The impact and results of the past three elections were truly disastrous in terms of international feedback, reduced hope for the future, lack of trust in officials, etc. For whatever reason, the strategy of maximum participation gave way to “minimum participation, with results”. Today, when tragic events are taking place in the country and early elections are being held, all sympathizers of the Islamic Revolution, critics of the status quo, and allies of the structure are worried that the country will once again face minimal participation in the electoral process.
At the same time, these people and groups also hope that perhaps this tragic event will cause a shock that will lead to a change in macro-policy strategies. In fact, sympathizers in the country hope that the system of the Islamic Republic can return to its roots and provide a platform for the hopeful existence of all classes and groups in the country.
These statements come at a time when extremists claiming to be reformists have repeatedly defeated republicanism, Islamism and legitimate activities and disqualified themselves. Although they claim to be reformist under the constitution, they have overlapped and closely cooperated with subversive groups at different times; for example, their dishonorable record in the sedition incidents of 2008, 2008, and 2001, not to mention the mismanagement and incompetence of the people’s livelihood by their self-proclaimed moderate and smooth government.
Meanwhile, the newspaper Shargh wrote in an editorial: Those who think differently, in addition to seeking power and seats in the executive branch, believe that a new direction can be taken in the existing gaps and current problems. Urgent actions have been taken in recent years; they see this unnecessary interruption in the flow of power as an opportunity for change and have hope for it.
Of course, the deal is not without political and economic benefits, not the least of which is returning to power. This set of politicians is made up of Arijite reformists who proved their loyalty in the recent parliamentary elections, which otherwise dissident reformists would be unlikely to have the opportunity and desire to attend. Moderate fundamentalists had better luck in this election than other political currents.
This luck is not because they are deprived of their public image, but because they are neither this nor that. They can get the support of the Ali Goi reformists. Of course, this possibility goes both ways. This change is far from what the dissident reformers think. They have gone through these stages.
Maybe this strategy holds promise for the Arrigo reformists. Hope for slow change, but in any case the upcoming elections are a playground for the powers that be. It is unlikely that the Arrigo reformists will be able to take political action in this area, especially since they do not have the support of all reformists.
The lack of support for the extremist reformists will prevent them from making political progress in the short term and will force them to join forces with moderate fundamentalists to gain power. This will further distance them from the dissident reformists and those who support them. In any case, the breakthrough created for the Arigoi reformists is a move into new territory of more serious political endeavors that will test their mettle.
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