Nazi Bonnie: Between Nationalism, Separatism and Federalism

Nazi Boni belonged to the Bouaba ethnic group. He was born in Bouvan in 1910, in the circle of Dédougou, Nitiomsi Boni and Souanniwé Tamin. Through his father he belonged to the ancient line of land chieftains. His belonging to this “patriarchal nobility” meant that he was sent to white schools, more as a hostage than a student, to witness the subjugation of the village. Thus, in 1921 he was recruited to the Dédougou Regional Primary School. In 1925 he moved to Ouagadougou to continue his studies. His academic success opened the doors of William Ponty for him. He remained there from 1928 to 1931. After obtaining his diploma, he began his career as a teacher, traveling to Ouagadougou, Tenkodogo (Haute Côte d’Ivoire), Abboudé, Bongouanou, Odinne, Agboville, Aboiso, Trechville. Ivory Coast. Like many African civil servants of the time, he was the target of bullying by the French colonial administration, which set many traps that damaged his career.

Unlike many of his peers, Nazi Boni remained very attached to the land, often living in his village, abandoning the capital. He was portrayed as a brave, outspoken, loyal man by his companions Palé Welté, Moussa Kargougou, with whom he fought, and Paul Nikiéma, with whom he co-founded the PNV and PRL in 1959. However, some criticized him for his stubbornness and lack of diplomacy. This character trait would earn him hostility from many. In 1946 he was elected General Councillor for Haute-Côte d’Ivoire, then Councillor for Upper Volta (1948-1959) and deputy to the National Assembly from 1948 to 1959. He used his office and authority, risking compromising his electoral position, to implement social reforms in his region of origin, Bouamu. He and his supporters traveled throughout the region, banning practices that were considered immoral and progressive in terms of custom: forced or early marriages, destructive funerals, “and also established citizenship centers and carried out large-scale treatment for syphilis, a disease that afflicted the region.”, undertaking the renovation of traditional houses.

Nazi Boni’s political involvement dates back to the elections of 1945. Many of his compatriots asked him to be a candidate in the elections, an invitation he rejected and was one of the Voltaires who proposed Uzzine Coulibaly. The latter withdrew his support for Houphouët-Boigny and sought the support of Nazi Boni for his candidacy. This is how he campaigned for the Ivorian in the first electoral district. But the two soon divorced and Nazi Boni left the RDA forever. Moussa Kalgugu believes that Nazi Boni’s attitude can be explained by the disappointment of not being chosen as a close partner by Houphouët-Boigny. This explanation seems a little short. Others seem more reasonable to us.

After the elections, Houphouët-Boigny chose Marcel Laubouet, a national of the Lower Ivory Coast, over Ouezzin Coulibaly as his second president in Paris. The Nazi Boigny saw in this choice the aspirations of the South (which saw the North as a pariah). Moreover, when Ouezzin Coulibaly was in charge of enrolling 200 students for France in 1946, only 27 were selected from the Haute-Ivoire. His belief was the desire of the South for the hegemony of the North. This was reinforced by the fate suffered by the migrant workers of the Voltaire in the Ivory Coast. Finally, through a visit to the RDA bookstore in Abidjan, he discovered the Marxist influence that this young political group was experiencing. This put him off.

For all these reasons, Nazi Boni joined the Voltaire Union and fought for the rebirth of Upper Volta. It was therefore through “nationalism” and the rejection of communism that the latter distanced themselves from the RDA of Houphouët-Boigny and Ouezin Coulibaly.

An activist in the reconstruction of Upper Volta, he was also a staunch federalist, adhering to the alliance of African parties (the African Congress Party in January 1957 and the African Reorganization Party in March 1958). He was one of the party representatives of the Mali Federation. Therefore, despite the defection of Upper Volta, he was one of the founding members of the African Union for Africa, whose goal: to achieve “African unity and the progressive development of the Community towards a multinational union”. But like Uzzin Coulibaly, he remained attached to France. That is why he voted in favor in the 1958 referendum, and even his federalism had a pro-Franco tone.

During the debate on the primary federation in the Regional Assembly of Voltaire, Nazibonne put forward the following argument: the development of French-speaking Africa requires large economic blocs; this is a guarantee of unity for French Africa in the face of Anglo-Saxon influences (Ghana and Nigeria). From 1948 to 1957, he was one of the enemies of the French colonial government and, judging by the Framework Law, he was the one to be killed for his federalist stance. Although Nazibonne firmly believed in federalism and unitaryism, considering the impossibility of coexistence with the Mossés, he did not hesitate to ask for the creation of a ninth territory in the AOF, uniting the west of Upper Volta, southeastern Sudan and northern Ivory Coast. This request would have received a positive response from the French Overseas Ministry. But due to opposition from other regions, the project never came to fruition.

After Maurice Yaméogo switched sides and joined Houphouet Boigny in 1959, with whom he co-founded the Entente Committee, Nazi Boni remained the only federalist, with other activists of the party, notably Gérard Kango and Joseph Conombo, joining the GDR party.

Reference: Domba Jean-Marc PALM, Federalism and the Emergence of the AOF and Political Parties in Upper Volta (1947-1960), PhD thesis in History, Supervisor: Professor Nicoué L. GAYIBOR

Windekuni Bertrand Ouedraogo

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