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But one of our sources noted that Orbán did not seem particularly interested in this. He received news that when the public was no longer present,
The Prime Minister spoke to his propaganda minister, but in a strange way he complained not about the Bell helicopters and luxury Mercedes waiting for the Rogan family, but about why his minister had not been in Budapest since the ballot boxes had been opened, i.e. since 6am.
Orban, however, did not make a fuss: neither in the presidential conference nor in the faction meeting on Tuesday did he mention Rogan’s helicopter scandal, even though it also made headlines that day and the topic was also raised on non-government television.
In Magyar, Rogan’s position is stable and he continues to enjoy the trust of the Prime Minister. But what secrets will he hide when he becomes the protagonist of a series of alleged corruption cases such as Panama’s five-district real estate, the settlement bond business, and the Hunguard story? Why can the Prime Minister tolerate the fact that this young man from a puritanical country, who was just starting his political career, now voters only associate him with the world of millionaire Louis Vuitton backpacks, luxury residential parks, expensive watches, tailor-made suits and celebrities?
Well, according to our sources, all that really interests Orbán is the close of voting on Sunday, which is 3,300,000 votes, which he thinks is relevant to him.
That is why the new magic word “New Unity”, for the third time, flickered with the hope of a two-thirds victory, and in his interpretation the successful “deputy leaders” were called Arpad Harboni and Antal Rogan. It did not matter that the relationship between the “two good friends” was now violently fluctuating and smiling, judging by his trust in them.
Two years ago, before the second two-thirds victory, the prime minister formulated his political credo: a new stage of community building. In an interview with Magyar Nemzet at the time, he said: He built the community of the small radical, system-changing party Fidesz, and then, through bourgeois circles, the large populist right-wing community. Now he is building a national community, which also includes a section of the left. To this end, the focus is on anti-immigration, order, strength and security, as well as the referendum campaign itself, which has recently been given ammunition and execution by the new government communication machine, which replaced the Lazar-Giro-Sass duo with cabinet minister Antal Rogán. Today, he has completely disappeared from public view.
It is noteworthy that in the fall of 2014, with the introduction of the idea of an Internet tax, Fidesz’s support fell by 12 percentage points in a month, a drop so fast and massive that has never been seen since the regime change. The MSZP and Jobbik also benefited from the disillusionment with Fidesz. When Logan took office as a cabinet minister last fall, the ruling party’s support among the entire population was 32%, Jobbik’s was 13%, and the MSZP’s was 11%, as measured by Median. In September of this year, just before the referendum, Fidesz increased its support among the entire population to 37%, while Jobbik’s and the MSZP’s support fell.
For the communication personnel, managing “politics” means serving the Prime Minister “with blood and iron”. In English: unconditional loyalty to the Prime Minister,
On the other hand, under the guidance of the ministries, templates, panel statements and slogans were used to spread “terror”.
That’s enough for Viktor Orban – as long as the approval ratings are high, he’s not interested in anything else. Until then, Rogan can “move as he pleases between the celebrity world, Hungarian business and parliament”.
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