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From a colonial perspective, and with reference to the above, I would say that in Guatemala, the contemporary power groups do not allow the death of the old, nor the birth of the new, because it is profitable to deliberately discriminate against the people and to rule as before, because this logic is the basis of the wealth of the elites that control the country. They are not interested in the birth of something new: democracy and “modernity”, because it would mean putting their ill-gotten privileges at risk. Land concentration, extractivism, racism and the suffering of the majority of the population have persisted since 1524 within a repressive framework.
This is not to say that there is a crisis of hegemony among Guatemalan elites, that living in uncertainty is normal and that it is a deliberate way to consolidate and perpetuate rule.
The book explores the possibilities of democratic change from the construction of political articulations that “challenge the hegemonic order”, without pretending that all progressive sectors and actors seek solidarity. Importantly, since 1970, a current of the Maya movement has openly opposed calls for indigenous solidarity, arguing that such solidarity would homogenize and oppose the theoretical and practical diversity of the people. The articulation around common goals is proposed with precision, respecting institutional, concrete goals, practices, territorial and cultural specificities. In other words, it is a combination of the multiple. Fonseca proposes the gathering of movements, interests and autonomous spaces as the basis for launching democratic articulations.
The recent indigenous uprising is the greatest example of democracy in recent decades, which was later supported by the urban sector, organizations and the Ladino mestizo sector, and it is an example that must be studied because I think there is a fruitful exposition and a path to follow to consolidate the democratic changes necessary for democracy Good Life All Guatemalans. Support for the dignity of the people and the defence of democracy in different sectors with respect for cultural, territorial, political and economic conditions.
(frasepzp1)
The official narrative consistent with the corrupt agreement shows that this is an unorganized movement that is completely manipulated by the indigenous people. Although the initial spark came from the ancestral authorities, the massive response from other sectors shows the common feelings prevalent among the majority of the population in the face of the brutality of the colonial state and its rulers.
It is said to be a spontaneous, united, weak movement. Against this idea of spontaneity, for the people it is a manifestation of the multiple and permanent resistance they have maintained for 500 years. Today it has been transformed, renewed, energized and inclusive to forge a future path of equality, hope, community democracy and diversity. Not only for the people, but also for society. Bottom Layerusing the last category introduced in the book.
Fonseca points out that in contexts of severe marginalization and exclusion, demands are more spontaneous, but this spontaneity is not an automatic phenomenon, as it must respond to a state of political consciousness that has been painstakingly cultivated.
The permanent resistance to colonial grievances and colonial influences has generated political consciousness in the hearts of the people (Nonpartisan). A people nourished by survival strategies, the preservation of a worldview, a love for life, nature, ancestors and a responsibility towards future generations.
A political consciousness protected in its own time and space generates the strength and conviction of the 2023 uprising, which, in any case, must be seen by people with a democratic mission as the greatest and best socio-political educational process yet against corrupt partisan politicians.
This is the lesson of this historical fact that should be valid and replicable in the cultural, social and economic diversity of the Guatemalan population today: a pluralistic Guatemala.
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