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National unity is destroyed, at least what is left. The prospects for consensus are hopelessly fading. The social contract is broken. Popular protests mean that a new majority has been formed. This does not find a way forward, so an atmosphere of serious crisis appears in the country. The fall of the Government of Public Security and the Lalayed government calls for the streets. Will Tunisia be immune to the sudden change in the majority? This is a critical moment for the transition.
Unfortunately, the burial of the country’s martyr, Mohamed Brami, seems to have undermined national unity. The differences between secularists and Islamists were secretly made public, which ultimately led to the widening of the political divide. Two popular groups are now facing each other, giving the feeling that Tunisia is no longer one. Two social projects are opposed to each other. The atmosphere is no longer one of dialogue. Clashes between demonstrators and police soon broke out, which shows that the situation is quite tense. Will we be shocked? The unknown factors increase uncertainty. All options are open.
Fateh al-Fatihah, ‘youyous’ and farewell acclamation: Republican Islam
The burial ceremony of Haji Muhammad Burami was undoubtedly carried out in a solemn atmosphere. However, meditation and fighting enthusiasm alternated. We recited the opening chapter as required by Muslim rituals. However, there was constant mourning and farewell applause accompanied the passing of the coffin. Today, Islam has regained the republican enthusiasm of the liberation struggle. The patriotic base is uniting. He placed himself in the nationalist tradition. In fact, he refused to ally himself with the Islamic model that was quietly developing.
In a sense, this was Mohammed’s unwritten will: to defend the national republic. Therefore, it was self-evident that the same crowds gathered for the sit-in organized by the National Salvation Front “FSP”.
Keep in mind that this collective of dissident delegates (around 70 at press time) are all from the opposition and they call for the dissolution of the ANC and the two institutions it has produced, the Republic and the two presidents of the government.
Through their “Erral” initiative, they called for saving the republic. Their solution? The resignation of the Lalayed government and the establishment of a government of public security. The latter would oversee the end of the transition process.
The founders of the FSP believed after the assassination of the martyrs that the Troika had lost control of national stability and citizen security. This atmosphere did not bode well for the progress of democracy, but rather posed a threat of the return of tyranny. And then they abolished it!
Submit or Resign…
On the contrary, “supporting legitimacy”. Most of the forces of Ennahda and its sympathizers. They also appeared in Bardo Square, similar to Tahrir Square. They were actively promoted by the tough rhetoric of certain party figures. They judged that the “troika” had already put the country on the final sprint and believed that a popular uprising would derail this process.
Now, despite their different arguments, both currents have come to the same and only one conclusion: the process has gone “off track”, say the front’s initiators. They remember that Ennahda, under the cover of the “troika”, exercised tight control over the country. Tunisia is experiencing the return of the party-state. Ennahda controls the government and has made significant progress in the process of disintegrating the state through parallel security and mass recruitment networks.
The scene can therefore be reduced to a battle of positions, in which we find on one side the project of the nation-state and on the other the troika, whose project bears a huge, unrecognized Islamist imprint. Democracy against unitaryism. In this context, the Front believes that a popular showdown of peaceful civil disobedience should be launched, with the aim of destroying institutions like ripe fruits. But this dynamic develops faster than music, because in Sidi Bouzid, and even in Kef and Gafsa, the Popular Committees want to replace the local authorities and in some cities have already taken on the aspects of a “Paris Commune”.
The answer is too obvious
In this confrontation, the specter of civil war looms. How can we prevent it, knowing that the two blocks are rigidly fixed in their positions? Ennahda will not give in, they will defend their legitimacy at the ballot box. The Front will not give in either, because it believes that Ennahda, in power, is only prioritizing a party agenda over national priorities. She is fighting to guarantee the conditions for re-election. That is why she has taken over the state with a parallel network, taking the game to the very end.
Who can solve this problem? The army insists on its republican reserve. The Ministry of the Interior simply wants to intervene between the two groups and maintain order despite the opposing currents. What a relief! The solution can only be political. For the Ennahda, there is instability. In a way, The Front is an adventure. The latter has not yet established a leadership, and despite the formation of a large popular base, the parties have failed to merge.
Who can solve this thorny problem?
Article published on Siemens
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