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Revolution is a painting in the trauma of realityAbout MenPerhaps the current revolution lacks imagination, or more precisely, lacks the possibility of dreams. Reality casts a thick, depressing shadow over the desire for revolution, the enthusiasm of youth, and the hope of victory. When Egypt’s squares were filled with the colors of the future and crowded with youth, this land became a place where “fathers” struggled for the two choices of dictatorship and tyranny. As a result, the joyful colors of the revolution were replaced by the darkness and conflicts of the past, and the heaviness and oppression of the country replaced the dreams and ease of the revolution. Instead of the cheers and noise of the future, there are overwhelming sounds of bombs, artillery, and bullets. Perhaps dreams have become an excessive drive, a crazy imagination, a pursuit of the impossible.How do we imagine Egypt in 2054? First, let us stand in the present and move towards the future. Revolution is nothing more than a re-imagination of reality, a new depiction of the trauma of the present, opening the door of imagination, dreaming of the suffering of the present, breaking with the history of the past and jumping into a new world. The coming unknown, and a battle with uncertainty..Egypt on the train balconyWhat is the view of the valley from the balcony of the train like? Whether you are travelling from Alexandria to Cairo or from Cairo to the depths of Upper Egypt, perhaps the first thing that catches your eye is the garbage dumps scattered across the valley. Then comes the ugliness and filthiness of the buildings. What Cairo, the Delta and the governorates of Upper Egypt have in common is the incomplete painting of the buildings, as only the facades are coloured, the rest of the surfaces are still red brick. Non-architectural and planning experts will also notice the endless randomness that stretches across the valley from north to south. If you are one of the unfortunate passengers, that is, a passenger on a “terso” (third class carriage or so-called special train), the ugliness and filthiness will haunt you from the inside out, and the smell of the train toilets will waft through, reminding you on the one hand the corruption and failure of the state, and on the other hand the plight of the Egyptian people and the suffering of his siege. The ugly structures will become your world until you finish the journey and enter the one-sidedness of the ugliness instead of feeling its duality.Still, if you are luckier than the second-class passengers, for example, you will not smell the toilet and the interior of the car will be much better, just as you will not be attacked by dust or rain during the winter nights. If you are luckier and are a first-class passenger, you will see this ugliness from the most spacious and comfortable seats. The tranquility of this ugliness that stretches along the riverbank is only disturbed by a momentary interruption, as the green of the delta interferes with the view, or the Nile passes through the chest of this brutal urbanism, giving it breath and beauty. This shows that the country is still beautiful only in what the state or society has not extended to it, it remains as it is. This is the core problem of imagination and imagination. How can we imagine Egypt away from the oppression and hegemony of the state, away from the erosion of place and beauty by randomness, chaos and the networks of servants in society? In short, it is the possibility of creativity, the return of color, other forms of organization and planning, a new imagination to reimagine the city and the place of humans in it, a more spacious space away from the brutality of neoliberalism and its capture, the invasion of the city, even its invasion, the exit of the binary of state and randomness..Failure, national suffering and the arbitrariness of opennessSince the 1950s, the state has completely dominated the public sphere, becoming the first and only responsible for organizing, planning, building, constructing, perceiving and imagining. Above all, it is its dominance in controversy and public debate and what is allowed to be said. The ambitions of the Nasserites are embodied in a powerful and oppressive state that leads the process of liberation and national independence, whose ideals are difference and diversity, values of disharmony and division. Freedom exists only within and through the state, as expressed in the famous song of Abdel Halim: “We took our pictures, Jamal, and those who are far from the battlefield will never appear in the picture.” Everything outside this framework is marginalized. The image is everything around the leader. In fact, every work and creativity revolves around the state, through the state, around the body of the leader and the space he occupies in conscience and reality. Egypt is characterized by excessive centralization and tyranny, brutality and domination. Therefore, this phenomenon spreads to the field of architecture, and the socialist realist style that embodies the core and center of centralism spreads, and the “Tahrir Square” building is a symbol of the Egyptian bureaucracy and the stage for the greatest torture and humiliation of Egyptians after the liberation of Egypt. Prisons and police stations. In the field of art and literature, the state dominated the process of production and imagination, but this did not prevent the great impetus and encouragement of translation, news and film, which acquired a huge centrality despite the limited free space available. In the Arab world, Egypt was the center of conflict and leadership, so Cairo was also the cultural center of the Arabs and the Kaaba at the political level, and the university at the educational level of Egypt.Then the leader and his country suffered a devastating blow in 1967. The army was not the only one defeated, but a complete project, a leader full of hope, a flabby state full of wounds and burdens, a society unable to organize or overcome the state. This is who we were and this is who we are now. As a result of this failure, the state is no longer able to persuade or truly control society. Because she attached society to her and bound it around her, society also fell with this devastating blow. However, the state continues to maintain dominance in two respects: decision-making sovereignty, which is central to Carl Schmitt’s definition of the state, and the emotional or material attachment to the state by large segments of society through its vast bureaucracy. Corrupt and clientelist institutions, networks and their control over tools of repression and terrorism. Then, starting in 2000, a network of neoliberal entrepreneurs emerged. It is no coincidence that art and nations collapse after defeat, and films closer to “pornography” spread in the period after the setback, right up to the entrepreneurial films that accompanied the opening period.In fact, the opening was meant to express failure, to announce a new phase of state failure, to let the people run their own affairs, to encourage the state to adopt a permissive attitude, what was then called “intimidation”, and to remove its hand from planning. During that period, the ugliness and failure of the state in architecture and development, with the wanton encroachment of the people, interest groups and “inflammation”, as well as land grabbing, incomplete construction, consumerist brutality and the drive of the service economy emerged… Then the Mubarak era made things worse. It was an era of full public permissiveness, the police had iron security control, but there was laxity and selectivity in law enforcement. Because the state and the political system wanted to stretch things to completeness, the privatization project was brutally completed in the nineties, and then from 2000 onwards entered a neoliberal model that encouraged monopolies and encouraged foreign investment, which was also characterized by the permissiveness of the environment, people and resources, perhaps the most prominent example of which was the proliferation of cement factories that polluted the environment and the growth of investment in the service industry and real estate. Interestingly, the state still retains a strong ability to hinder development and creativity, it allows or condones arbitrariness and permissiveness, but prevents any development attempts and serious local investment. For example, the state prevents the people of Sinai from making high-quality agricultural investments in the north, center, and border regions, and a system of bureaucracy and corruption prevents any serious and productive small investments.This scenario is simply reflected in transport and elections. In transport and communications, you either succumb to the congestion and scarcity of government transport, accepting its filth, destruction and the real hell on earth it represents, or you succumb to the brutality, exploitation and randomness of private minibuses and “tuk-tuks.” At the electoral level: either the National Party represents the state, interest networks, corruption, obvious clientelism and the most obvious rule of capital since 2005, or you accept the Islamic movement, which also represents value-based authoritarianism and embodies clientelistic and capitalist interests and networks. This is the case with health and education, either the Ministry of Health is collapsed, the number of hospitals is declining, relying on a group of hospitals built in the 1950s and 1960s, or you are welcome to the private sector patient market, or you can go through your affairs through charity clinics that are spread across regions and communities..Revolution and ColorThis revolution broke the monochrome. The squares and streets of the revolutionary period were characterized by variety and diversity. Rather, it increases respect for the body and public space, with revolutionary movements revolving around the body, respecting it rather than shaming it, and reclaiming public space and space from the control of the body. nation. It also breaks down the Islamist/national party and military dichotomy. Despite the current setbacks to the revolution, this duality has weakened. The dualisms and hegemonies that have existed and permeated for decades are unlikely to be broken in a few years, as it is natural for fluctuations to occur between the military and the Brotherhood and among their client networks. This represents the established structure of ancient society, as well as reactionary, conservative, authoritarian values. This revolution begins with networked organizations hostile to hierarchies of power and the dominance of structures over values and individuals. It also seeks to preserve the plurality of identities, that is, it negotiates identities in constructive struggles that have no basis. Denies the existence, possession and domination of the other. This is one of the most important fronts with the Islamists and the Muslim Brotherhood. The revolutionary struggle expresses the conflict and disintegration of the power system in five lines, which are: 1-diversity and pluralism 2-the entity and disintegration of the old security system 3-public sphere and space and reconstructing it in a certain way This is related to freedom and Commensurate with the desire for emancipation 4- Women’s right to existence, equality and inviolability of their rights in the public and private spheres 5- Social justice and a new model of production in sync with emancipation and emancipation. economic progress and the creation of new institutions of social justice and wealth redistribution..Revolution and Society: On the Pendulum Movement of Revolutionary ExpansionAnyone paying attention to Egyptian revolutionary movements and society will see clear relationships between revolution, art, and BroadCast Unitedlectual movements, and between field and revolutionary action. These networks continue and intertwine in an expanding movement of creativity and innovation, evident in the expansion of independent artistic production: new singing groups, the momentum of civil society and development movements, short films and movements, independent films and theatre. Attempts, new social movements, including sectarian demands, groups of writers and journalists who try to present something new through social networking sites and even through the websites of major newspapers such as Al-Shorouk Gate and Al-Masry Al-Youm are another kind of journalism. Writing presents a more independent, free, and creative state. The relationship I am talking about is the general aggregation and mobilization of squares and streets, and then the spread of “squares” and revolutionary values within social structures and various forms of movement. That is, there is movement between broad mass mobilization and these cells and networks. There is a “pendulum” movement (like the dance of a wall clock) between these movements and what they represent in the structures of social, revolutionary and mobilized action. Therefore, when the revolution is not in this field, it is not in a state of decline or collapse. On the contrary, this field is spreading and expanding within the social structure and manifesting itself in other forms and modes of production, including art, literature, law, culture, etc. . and sectarian claims, even if ultimately it seems limited in scope and ceiling.The coming years will be nothing but a struggle between systems of power and manifestations of revolution. Predicting the future therefore depends on two things: the unbroken continuation of corruption, state dominance and corruption networks, or new patterns and architecture of social organization, development, manifestations of diversity, and the paradoxical expansion and randomness of state control. and permissibility of corruption. That is, when you ride a train, your horizons expand and you see more color and beauty in the architecture and organization. Maybe it’s the clean, spacious seats on state buses and the safe and respectful treatment of all. Maybe young girls wear short skirts without fear of being violated or exposed.Share this topic:relatedNavigate between topics
Revolution is a painting in the trauma of reality
Ali Al-Rijal speaks at the Al-Safir newspaper seminar in Beirut – Photo: Muhammad Sharara – Source: Al-Safir Al-Arabi
Dreams of Egypt in 2054: Dreams of revolution, struggles for structure and the return of color
The full text of the article about Ali Al-Rijal published by Al-Safir Al-Arabi newspaper on May 7, 2014 is available at:
http://arabi.assafir.com/article.asp?aid=1833&refsite=arabi&reftype=articles&refzone=articles
About Men
Perhaps the current revolution lacks imagination, or more precisely, lacks the possibility of dreams. Reality casts a thick, depressing shadow over the desire for revolution, the enthusiasm of youth, and the hope of victory. When Egypt’s squares were filled with the colors of the future and crowded with youth, this land became a place where “fathers” struggled for the two choices of dictatorship and tyranny. As a result, the joyful colors of the revolution were replaced by the darkness and conflicts of the past, and the heaviness and oppression of the country replaced the dreams and ease of the revolution. Instead of the cheers and noise of the future, there are overwhelming sounds of bombs, artillery, and bullets. Perhaps dreams have become an excessive drive, a crazy imagination, a pursuit of the impossible.
.
How do we imagine Egypt in 2054? First, let us stand in the present and move towards the future. Revolution is nothing more than a re-imagination of reality, a new depiction of the trauma of the present, opening the door of imagination, dreaming of the suffering of the present, breaking with the history of the past and jumping into a new world. The coming unknown, and a battle with uncertainty.
.
Egypt on the train balcony
What is the view of the valley from the balcony of the train like? Whether you are travelling from Alexandria to Cairo or from Cairo to the depths of Upper Egypt, perhaps the first thing that catches your eye is the garbage dumps scattered across the valley. Then comes the ugliness and filthiness of the buildings. What Cairo, the Delta and the governorates of Upper Egypt have in common is the incomplete painting of the buildings, as only the facades are coloured, the rest of the surfaces are still red brick. Non-architectural and planning experts will also notice the endless randomness that stretches across the valley from north to south. If you are one of the unfortunate passengers, that is, a passenger on a “terso” (third class carriage or so-called special train), the ugliness and filthiness will haunt you from the inside out, and the smell of the train toilets will waft through, reminding you on the one hand the corruption and failure of the state, and on the other hand the plight of the Egyptian people and the suffering of his siege. The ugly structures will become your world until you finish the journey and enter the one-sidedness of the ugliness instead of feeling its duality.
.
Still, if you are luckier than the second-class passengers, for example, you will not smell the toilet and the interior of the car will be much better, just as you will not be attacked by dust or rain during the winter nights. If you are luckier and are a first-class passenger, you will see this ugliness from the most spacious and comfortable seats. The tranquility of this ugliness that stretches along the riverbank is only disturbed by a momentary interruption, as the green of the delta interferes with the view, or the Nile passes through the chest of this brutal urbanism, giving it breath and beauty. This shows that the country is still beautiful only in what the state or society has not extended to it, it remains as it is. This is the core problem of imagination and imagination. How can we imagine Egypt away from the oppression and hegemony of the state, away from the erosion of place and beauty by randomness, chaos and the networks of servants in society? In short, it is the possibility of creativity, the return of color, other forms of organization and planning, a new imagination to reimagine the city and the place of humans in it, a more spacious space away from the brutality of neoliberalism and its capture, the invasion of the city, even its invasion, the exit of the binary of state and randomness.
.
Failure, national suffering and the arbitrariness of openness
Since the 1950s, the state has completely dominated the public sphere, becoming the first and only responsible for organizing, planning, building, constructing, perceiving and imagining. Above all, it is its dominance in controversy and public debate and what is allowed to be said. The ambitions of the Nasserites are embodied in a powerful and oppressive state that leads the process of liberation and national independence, whose ideals are difference and diversity, values of disharmony and division. Freedom exists only within and through the state, as expressed in the famous song of Abdel Halim: “We took our pictures, Jamal, and those who are far from the battlefield will never appear in the picture.” Everything outside this framework is marginalized. The image is everything around the leader. In fact, every work and creativity revolves around the state, through the state, around the body of the leader and the space he occupies in conscience and reality. Egypt is characterized by excessive centralization and tyranny, brutality and domination. Therefore, this phenomenon spreads to the field of architecture, and the socialist realist style that embodies the core and center of centralism spreads, and the “Tahrir Square” building is a symbol of the Egyptian bureaucracy and the stage for the greatest torture and humiliation of Egyptians after the liberation of Egypt. Prisons and police stations. In the field of art and literature, the state dominated the process of production and imagination, but this did not prevent the great impetus and encouragement of translation, news and film, which acquired a huge centrality despite the limited free space available. In the Arab world, Egypt was the center of conflict and leadership, so Cairo was also the cultural center of the Arabs and the Kaaba at the political level, and the university at the educational level of Egypt.
.
Then the leader and his country suffered a devastating blow in 1967. The army was not the only one defeated, but a complete project, a leader full of hope, a flabby state full of wounds and burdens, a society unable to organize or overcome the state. This is who we were and this is who we are now. As a result of this failure, the state is no longer able to persuade or truly control society. Because she attached society to her and bound it around her, society also fell with this devastating blow. However, the state continues to maintain dominance in two respects: decision-making sovereignty, which is central to Carl Schmitt’s definition of the state, and the emotional or material attachment to the state by large segments of society through its vast bureaucracy. Corrupt and clientelist institutions, networks and their control over tools of repression and terrorism. Then, starting in 2000, a network of neoliberal entrepreneurs emerged. It is no coincidence that art and nations collapse after defeat, and films closer to “pornography” spread in the period after the setback, right up to the entrepreneurial films that accompanied the opening period.
.
In fact, the opening was meant to express failure, to announce a new phase of state failure, to let the people run their own affairs, to encourage the state to adopt a permissive attitude, what was then called “intimidation”, and to remove its hand from planning. During that period, the ugliness and failure of the state in architecture and development, with the wanton encroachment of the people, interest groups and “inflammation”, as well as land grabbing, incomplete construction, consumerist brutality and the drive of the service economy emerged… Then the Mubarak era made things worse. It was an era of full public permissiveness, the police had iron security control, but there was laxity and selectivity in law enforcement. Because the state and the political system wanted to stretch things to completeness, the privatization project was brutally completed in the nineties, and then from 2000 onwards entered a neoliberal model that encouraged monopolies and encouraged foreign investment, which was also characterized by the permissiveness of the environment, people and resources, perhaps the most prominent example of which was the proliferation of cement factories that polluted the environment and the growth of investment in the service industry and real estate. Interestingly, the state still retains a strong ability to hinder development and creativity, it allows or condones arbitrariness and permissiveness, but prevents any development attempts and serious local investment. For example, the state prevents the people of Sinai from making high-quality agricultural investments in the north, center, and border regions, and a system of bureaucracy and corruption prevents any serious and productive small investments.
.
This scenario is simply reflected in transport and elections. In transport and communications, you either succumb to the congestion and scarcity of government transport, accepting its filth, destruction and the real hell on earth it represents, or you succumb to the brutality, exploitation and randomness of private minibuses and “tuk-tuks.” At the electoral level: either the National Party represents the state, interest networks, corruption, obvious clientelism and the most obvious rule of capital since 2005, or you accept the Islamic movement, which also represents value-based authoritarianism and embodies clientelistic and capitalist interests and networks. This is the case with health and education, either the Ministry of Health is collapsed, the number of hospitals is declining, relying on a group of hospitals built in the 1950s and 1960s, or you are welcome to the private sector patient market, or you can go through your affairs through charity clinics that are spread across regions and communities.
.
Revolution and Color
This revolution broke the monochrome. The squares and streets of the revolutionary period were characterized by variety and diversity. Rather, it increases respect for the body and public space, with revolutionary movements revolving around the body, respecting it rather than shaming it, and reclaiming public space and space from the control of the body. nation. It also breaks down the Islamist/national party and military dichotomy. Despite the current setbacks to the revolution, this duality has weakened. The dualisms and hegemonies that have existed and permeated for decades are unlikely to be broken in a few years, as it is natural for fluctuations to occur between the military and the Brotherhood and among their client networks. This represents the established structure of ancient society, as well as reactionary, conservative, authoritarian values. This revolution begins with networked organizations hostile to hierarchies of power and the dominance of structures over values and individuals. It also seeks to preserve the plurality of identities, that is, it negotiates identities in constructive struggles that have no basis. Denies the existence, possession and domination of the other. This is one of the most important fronts with the Islamists and the Muslim Brotherhood. The revolutionary struggle expresses the conflict and disintegration of the power system in five lines, which are: 1-diversity and pluralism 2-the entity and disintegration of the old security system 3-public sphere and space and reconstructing it in a certain way This is related to freedom and Commensurate with the desire for emancipation 4- Women’s right to existence, equality and inviolability of their rights in the public and private spheres 5- Social justice and a new model of production in sync with emancipation and emancipation. economic progress and the creation of new institutions of social justice and wealth redistribution.
.
Revolution and Society: On the Pendulum Movement of Revolutionary Expansion
Anyone paying attention to Egyptian revolutionary movements and society will see clear relationships between revolution, art, and BroadCast Unitedlectual movements, and between field and revolutionary action. These networks continue and intertwine in an expanding movement of creativity and innovation, evident in the expansion of independent artistic production: new singing groups, the momentum of civil society and development movements, short films and movements, independent films and theatre. Attempts, new social movements, including sectarian demands, groups of writers and journalists who try to present something new through social networking sites and even through the websites of major newspapers such as Al-Shorouk Gate and Al-Masry Al-Youm are another kind of journalism. Writing presents a more independent, free, and creative state. The relationship I am talking about is the general aggregation and mobilization of squares and streets, and then the spread of “squares” and revolutionary values within social structures and various forms of movement. That is, there is movement between broad mass mobilization and these cells and networks. There is a “pendulum” movement (like the dance of a wall clock) between these movements and what they represent in the structures of social, revolutionary and mobilized action. Therefore, when the revolution is not in this field, it is not in a state of decline or collapse. On the contrary, this field is spreading and expanding within the social structure and manifesting itself in other forms and modes of production, including art, literature, law, culture, etc. . and sectarian claims, even if ultimately it seems limited in scope and ceiling.
.
The coming years will be nothing but a struggle between systems of power and manifestations of revolution. Predicting the future therefore depends on two things: the unbroken continuation of corruption, state dominance and corruption networks, or new patterns and architecture of social organization, development, manifestations of diversity, and the paradoxical expansion and randomness of state control. and permissibility of corruption. That is, when you ride a train, your horizons expand and you see more color and beauty in the architecture and organization. Maybe it’s the clean, spacious seats on state buses and the safe and respectful treatment of all. Maybe young girls wear short skirts without fear of being violated or exposed.
This entry was posted on Sunday, August 17, 2014 at 11:25 pm and is filed under Social Issues, islamist, Egypt’s ruling regime, egypt political situation, Analysis of the January 25 Revolution, Muslim Brotherhood, Social MovementsYou can RSS 2.0 Feeding. You can Leave a Replyor trace back From your own website.
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