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On Tuesday, Costa Rica will be engulfed in the chaos of social unrest not seen since the tragic events of the 1940s. Angry They will take to the streets to express their discontent, as the Fourth Chamber has ruled that the so-called “Jaguar Law” is unconstitutional, while the President of the Republic will cross his arms to observe the direction of the movement and decide whether to call for calm or stand at the front of the crowd.
President Rodrigo Chavez promoted this delusion in an interview with the media in Guanacaste. But it should not be ignored because it reveals an absolute contempt for democracy and the rule of law.
Constitutional Court Announcement Monday Resolution consult The Supreme Electoral Tribunal (TSE) raised the issue with regard to the law that President Rodrigo Chavez intends to use for the referendum. For the president, the magistrates had no choice but to rule in favor of his arguments if they wanted to preserve social peace.
There is well-founded jurisprudence contrary to the claims of the Jaguar Law since the end of the last century, but “the people” will not allow it to remain, as the president imagines. A former minister in the presidency admitted to being aware of current jurisprudence, and a member of the committee set up to propose reforms absolved herself of responsibility by revealing warnings that the law was incompatible with the Constitution, but her fantasy was that reform would be in the streets, not in the courts.
Change achieved in this way is highly unusual in Costa Rican democracy, but it could go further. The president speculated on the possibility of a sit-down strike or a decision to take to the streets “so that these people, this ecosystem of corrupt trade, cronyism and crony capitalism never come back to power again.” He also said: “As President of the Republic, I will observe it from a political perspective.”
From his office in Zapote or his residence in a luxury apartment in Monterran, the president will be confined to witnessing the collapse of the current system without fulfilling his oath to respect the Constitution and the laws. A rejection by the Constitutional Court would in fact be a coup d’état.
Even if the magistrates reaffirmed so many years of precedent, none of this would happen. A law designed to overturn controls designed to prevent corruption and favoritism in state contracts was defeated and the “angry people” did not exist and would not take to the streets. The president would not be able to watch the spectacle, let alone stand before a non-existent crowd. You would have a great deal of frustration.
Although this is a perverse fantasy, it is still important because it lives in the mind of the president and teaches him a lot about him. The president imagines himself as the leader of a mob capable of destroying anything that opposes him, including the separation of powers enshrined in the republican design.
This will not happen, because Costa Ricans’ democratic faith is enough to prevent the subversive pretensions of any disoriented minority, but the mere description of the chaos and the apparent willingness to “observe” it before deciding on a course of action will find an audience beyond our borders. Take, for example, the name “Jaguar Law” inadvertently provided by Bank of America analysts. Like many others, they pointed out in their latest report the dangers of the proposed reforms and their impact on the local economy.
According to a document titled “Latin America at a Glance”, a mid-year report by BofA Securities Criticism of the Jaguar Law Because “Costa Rica’s economy benefits from strong checks and balances. This is one of the characteristics that makes Costa Rica distinct from other countries in Latin America.”
Now, the same international observers, foreign investment consultants, have discovered the president’s revolutionary fantasies. The country, which has regressed significantly on international indices of respect for fundamental freedoms such as freedom of expression and the maintenance of peace, does not need more noise from the highest levels of the executive.
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