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The concept of a general policy declaration (DPG) stems from a dual legitimacy: popular legitimacy obtained through elections and legal legitimacy based on laws.
Observations on the allocation of seats in the National Assembly
A quick look at the distribution of seats in the parliament shows that only 23 out of 155 MPs are in the prime minister’s favor. The legitimacy of this parliament is almost obsolete and can only be used for political manipulation purposes such as censure motions, targeted amendments and other blockades.
Prime Minister Osman Sonko’s political stance
Politically, Osman Sonko’s posture of transparency (“jub”, “jubal”, “jubanti”), his rejection of rigid language and his anti-establishment rhetoric are incompatible with a parliament composed of “defeatists”. To denounce the governance of the outgoing regime in parliament could lead to violent confrontation.
Furthermore, the image of parliamentary representatives is often perceived as provocative and manipulative, which is not conducive to calm and responsible debate.
Historical precedent
All successive prime ministers have presented their manifestos in enthusiastic congresses. For example, Abdoul Mbaye, who was appointed on April 3, 2012, did not appear in parliament until September 12, after the 12th legislature was established. It is not “politically correct” to present the DPG before a pre-hostile parliament.
Legal framework
The constitution provides for the DPG, but there are no specific restrictions. After the 2019 constitutional amendment, Benno Bokk Yakkar’s deputy removed the 90-day deadline. Macky Sall did not update the text after he abolished the prime ministership. All this noise around the DPG seems to be a political strategy to trap the prime minister in a semicircle.
Customary facts do not necessarily constitute the rule of law. Ousmane Sonko was right to invoke the right to deviate from simple custom, even if it is republican.
Revision of the Republican calendar
The fundamental issue is to modify the Republican calendar, which can be accomplished through two acts of governance:
Dissolving this parliament, which has outdated legitimacy, is likely to become a political weapon.
Organize local and legislative elections to avoid calling voters every two years and allow the elected government four years to implement the new governance that the Senegalese people expect. This would also correct the inconsistency between the elected president’s trust in the Senegalese people and the heterogeneous parliament.
Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko has made an appointment with history to write a new page for Senegal, “Jub”, “Jubbal”, “Jubbanti”. The Congress cannot and must not bear witness to this rupture, because it symbolizes the failure of a regime.
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