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Light me up so that I do not make any mistakes that will be attributed to me. For some time I have been hearing about the resilience plan for the defense of the motherland and have tried to learn more about it. I admit that at first I thought these alchemies were able to entertain people and thus distract them from major problems. Then I requested and received the plan in question, which I noticed was dated January 2024. I immediately concluded that, therefore, for more than six months, Niger has been governing on the basis of a plan that covers 2024 and 2025 until 2026. This is a major plan that leaves nothing to chance, and it makes me wonder if you are not embracing too broadly. They say that those who kiss poorly do not embrace well, in other words, “whoever wants to take on or do too many things at the same time risks accomplishing nothing”.
When I received the electronic copy of the program document, I asked myself a thousand and one questions. The first was to ask myself, those who could have pushed you on this path and this difficult mission. I admire your ambition to change the destiny of Niger and I completely share your and all those sincere patriots who always fight with all their heart and soul for the well-being of our people. As you know, I am a dedicated soldier, ready to do everything to best serve Niger and its people. However, with all due respect, I believe that, because of what I have had to go through in this program, you have embarked on a path that could lead you into quicksand. As you said, you are not here to stay in power forever, but for a specific mission, which is to promote and lead a profound catharsis by opening a new governance. You have repeatedly said that your mission is to end terrorism and insecurity on the one hand and economic, financial and tax crimes on the other. I am afraid that you will be stuck in the quicksand and it will be difficult, extremely difficult to get out.
My General
I will not dismiss the program you have imposed on yourself as unrealistic. However, it is my duty to draw your attention to certain aspects that have been brought to my attention. I may be too nosy, but it is a patriotic duty to remind you in time that you must recalibrate your mission in order to give yourself every chance of success. Honestly, you do not need to bother yourself with such a massive program. Your duty is to lay the foundations for a new governance, and you will undoubtedly do it better if you focus on the important things. What I have seen seems to me to be an alternative to what you plan to do as head of state. You are taking a big risk. I do not wish you to fail in the interest of Niger and its people, but you know as well as I do that success and failure are two sides of the same coin; for a country like Niger, which has been engaged in the unsanctioned plundering of public resources for the purpose of producing behavioral change effects for more than a decade, we are closer to failure than success. Because, I will never cease to remind you, we do not plait hair on lice.
I have already pointed out in the planning document the source of extreme difficulties. We are talking about the restoration of good government, and I want to know whether it is really possible to raise model rulers from old crooks? Is it possible to make a plunderer of public liberty a democratic republican; if it is possible to make a thief a policeman of the republic.
I also pointed out that “the core problem is the weak patriotic and democratic culture of political actors who see politics as an opportunity for personal achievement”. Among these reasons, I was surprised to note that in fifth place was the impunity of those involved in socio-political crimes. Since this was the most widespread crime under the Seventh Republic that you overthrew, why were financial crimes not included? I do not understand that this could not be the result of chance, but a choice, undoubtedly a deliberate exclusion of crimes that your compatriots expected to see brought to trial.
My General,
Among the main challenges, I noticed the lack of compliance with the matching of profiles to positions and wondered when this started when you appoint military personnel as authorized managers in the war on terror. Yet we have a large number of managers, experienced managers, trained by the National School of Administration (ENA). There are many other aspects that seem inharmonious, including the fact that what should be classified as a crime, in the absence of judicial responsibility. I cannot present it all in this letter. That is why I want to reduce this topic and focus on the management and implementation mechanisms, which seem complex and cumbersome to coordinate because they are so overlapping. This is what I noticed and seems worth analyzing in order to make the mechanisms more flexible by making the system as light as possible.
“The institutional coordination system of the PRSP consists of a steering and guidance body, a technical advisory and coordination support body, an implementation and monitoring and evaluation support body, and an administrative advisory body. This system was created by Decree No. 0414/PM/CAB of October 4, 2023.”
Then…,
“The steering body is the Steering Committee (CoPil). The technical support and coordination bodies include the National Technical Secretariat (STN), the Expert Committee, the Sectoral Technical Committees (CTS), the Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper Regional Coordination Committees (CRC/PRSP), the Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper Sector Coordination Committees (CDC/PRSP) and the Municipal Coordination Committees (C2C/PRSP)”.
I understand that in order to network the entire country and circumvent citizens within the framework of this unique vision expressed in your plan, all intelligence is used to recruit as many opinion leaders as possible. This is fair game. However, too much structure can stifle work. I also know that there is also a “support structure for implementation and monitoring and evaluation composed of the departments responsible for development of the Ministry of Economy and Finance and the National Statistics Institute (INS)”.
Last but not least, we must not forget “the consultative framework, at the national level, composed of the National Committee for Citizen Participation in the Defense of the Homeland (CNPC/SP) and the Coordinating Partners Committee (CPC)”.
My General,
At the beginning of this letter, I humbly ask you to explain my situation. Can I continue to talk about the heavy program of military transition and the complex structure of state administration? I ask this question because no transition military institution has ever equipped itself with such an important tool. While waiting for the answer to this question, remember that we do not weave braids on lice.
Malami Bukar (World Today)
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