From bows and arrows to assault rifles: How the rules of tribal warfare are changing in Papua New Guinea

WARNING: This article discusses specific details of tribal violence in Papua New Guinea.

the first person – When we arrived at the village of Kalida, a few kilometers outside Tari in Hela province, the air was filled with the sickening smell of dried blood.

Through the SUV window, I saw two men carrying a body wrapped in blue cloth and tarpaulin toward a hastily dug grave.

This is July 2019.

The attack was sparked by a long-running tribal conflict between factions in Taqali area of ​​Hela province. Several armed men arrived in the area at dawn. Local residents, especially women and children, bore the brunt of the violence.

The provincial administrator at the time, William Bando, advised us not to travel alone when we arrived in Tari. He asked a detachment of the Papua New Guinea Defence Force to take us to Karida, where the massacre had taken place less than 24 hours earlier.

When we arrived with the soldiers, two men carrying the body hesitated. One of the soldiers ordered them to disarm. The others carrying weapons fled into the nearby bushes.

On the roadside lay the bodies of 15 women and one man, tightly wrapped in cloth. Older men and women came out to greet the soldiers.

Village chief Hokoko Minape, devastated by the unimaginable loss, cried beside his car and tried to explain what had happened.

“This is something I have never seen in my life. This is new,” he said in Tok Pisin.

The complexity and media attention of tribal conflict

For outsiders, the roots of Papua New Guinea’s tribal conflicts are difficult to understand. There are countless factors involved, including provinces, regions, tribes, clans and customs.

But the violence is palpable.

Conflicts are usually reported when there are large numbers of fatalities. Intense media attention lasts for a few days… maybe a month… and then the news focus changes in the daily local and international coverage.

Some conflicts have lasted for years, and sporadic revenge killings continue. This behavior is hidden and does not attract national attention. It is insidious and deadly – slowly destroying families and communities. In many cases, police record one-off murders as the result of alcohol-related fights or other reasons.

Tensions are simmering. But this affects children’s education and determines where people gather and who they associate with.

While the villagers of Kalida did not take part directly in the fighting, they were accused of providing shelter to people fleeing from neighboring villages. The attackers came looking for refugees but found only women and children inside.

“Mercenaries” and small arms

In the weeks that followed, local community leaders drew attention to the use of “mercenaries” in the conflict. They were hired by the warring tribes to fight on their behalf. Their most valuable possessions were assault rifles or shotguns funded by political and non-political sponsors.

Deputy Police Commissioner for Special Operations Donald Yamasombi, who has personally investigated arms smuggling cases, said the traditional drugs-for-guns trade in Papua New Guinea’s eastern and southern border regions was largely a thing of the past.

“People are buying guns with cash. They bring the weapons in and then legalize them through licenses,” Yamasumbi said. “The businessmen who are financing them are actually running legitimate businesses.”

Political actor involvement is a topic many people only discuss in private.

In the Highlands, mercenaries are a new addition to the complex socio-political ecosystem of tribal and national politics. Political power and money have dictated how mercenaries are used in elections. They are a tool of intimidation and coercion. This occupation is a lucrative means of making money in a so-called “free and fair” electoral process.

“Money drives people to fight,” Yamasumbi said. “Without money, there is no motivation. Fighting is the motivation.”

Rules of War

After the elections, mercenaries often return to the community, continuing the cycle of violence.

In February, Papua New Guineans watched in horror on social media as the death toll from tribal clashes in Enga province rose from a few dozen to 53 in just a few hours, while police collected bodies from nearby bush.

Most of the victims were tribesmen who were ambushed while launching their attacks.

Traditional Enga society is tightly structured. Take Anda, the Enga cultural centre in the centre of Wabag town, records the rules of war that dictated the behaviour of warriors.

Mass killings or killings in general are traditionally avoided. The economic cost of compensation is too high, and continued conflict is always difficult to control and is clearly not beneficial to either side in the long run.

One Ngans, who asked not to be named, said in an interview with me that high-powered guns have changed traditional dynamics.

Chiefs and elders who once held power and status are now being replaced by young men with money and the means to buy and own weapons. This has a direct impact on provincial and national politics and traditional governance structures.

Clash of Clans isn’t limited to high ground

In 2022, a land dispute between two clans on Kiriwina Island in Milne Bay Province escalated into all-out war, leaving 30 people dead.

The high level of violence and the frequent use of guns has left many Papua New Guineans bewildered. Milne Bay Province, known as a hub for peaceful tourism, has suffered a public relations blow after the country’s embassy issued a travel warning to its citizens.

In Pindiu, Morobe Province, widespread use of homemade weapons led to the death of a local vigilante as well as women and children during a protracted conflict in 2015.

The Morobe provincial government sent a mediator to Pindiu to facilitate peace talks. Provincial and national governments are usually reluctant to intervene directly in tribal conflicts and arrest perpetrators of violence.

This is largely due to the government’s inability to maintain a long-term security presence in tribal war zones.

Angolan antelope slaughter

Two weeks ago, 26 women and children were killed in another attack in Angolam, East Sepik Province.

Five people have been arrested for the murder, but locals who wish to remain anonymous said the ringleader of the 30-strong gang is still at large.

Angoram is a prime example of an area that is difficult to police.

The villages are spread across the vast wetlands of the Sepik River. Although additional police have been sent from Wewak, there is no real guarantee that the men and women who witnessed the violence will be protected if they choose to testify in court.

Will new legislation and policies help?

The Ngaba massacre was the focus of parliament’s February session. Gun laws were recently amended to provide for tougher penalties. Despite the response from lawmakers, enforcement remains weak.

The killers of the 16 people in Kalida remain at large. Despite the widespread circulation of videos of the massacre on social media, many of the perpetrators of the Enga massacre have yet to be arrested.

In April this year, the European Union, the United Nations and the Papua New Guinea government held a workshop aimed at developing a national gun control policy.

The workshop revisited suggestions made by former PNG Defence Force Commander, retired Major General Jerry Singiroke.

One of the recommendations was to remove the licensing powers of the police commissioner as firearms registrar and establish a mechanism to buy back guns within the community.