It secretly and illegally recruited about 7,500 Somali youths who were sent to Eritrea

Western BroadCast Unitedligence agencies oppose democratization in Somalia. History has documented the strength of character of the Somali people, who favor chaotic democratic rule and value individual liberty, free speech and opinion, justice and private enterprise over dictatorship. British explorer Sir Richard Burton wrote in 1856: “The Somalis are fierce republicans, constantly changing political allegiances – the Somalis live in a state of chronic political disunity, verging on anarchy. Every free man is the equal of his ruler, and no loyalty or privilege will allow him to deprive him of his natural right to freedom.” However, if social mediation is applied fairly, the Somalis will obey discipline and submission. Democratic rule is the appropriate model of government for Somalia.

Under colonial rule, Somalis struggled for political rights, civil rights and self-government. The preamble to the post-independence constitution stressed the following points:

Firmly determined to consolidate and protect the independence of the Somali nation and the rights of its people to freedom, in a democratic state based on the sovereignty of the people and the equality of rights and duties of all citizens;

Determined to consolidate freedom, justice and peace in the world by working with all peoples, especially those linked by history, religion, culture and political perspectives, to create a better future.

The consolidation of democracy was interrupted by rampant corruption, nepotism, unfair and sham elections promoted by the civilian government that came to power in 1967. Public disgust and disillusionment and the killing of the president paved the way for a bloodless coup by armed forces led by the Somali National Army (SNA) in the early hours of October 21, 1969. Major General Mohammed Siad Barre became the unelected supreme leader of the Somali Democratic Republic, which replaced the Somali Republic.

The military regime suspended the democratic constitution, political parties, people’s freedom of expression, political association and assembly, and habeas corpus. It established the National Security Service (NSS), an BroadCast Unitedligence agency modeled after the former Soviet BroadCast Unitedligence agency KGB, and the National Security Court (NSC) to curb various democratic claims and manifestations. Although the NSS was responsible for domestic and foreign BroadCast Unitedligence, it focused on protecting the regime’s domestic BroadCast Unitedligence rather than protecting citizens and the country. The military regime ruled for 21 years, leaving behind the experience of dictatorship.

The Somali state has been transformed into a police state that has made surveillance of citizens a top priority by creating a network of security agencies that have unlimited powers of arrest and the power to detain citizens indefinitely without due process. The security network with powers of arrest includes the courts, the National Security Service, the police, members of the ruling military junta – the Supreme Revolutionary Council (SRC), the Mayor of Mogadishu, the Attorney General, the Presidential Guard Kofi Cas (Red Berets), the Police Force, the Custodial Forces, the Dhabarjabin (Guards) and the Hangash of the Military Police, the paramilitary Gulwadayaal (Victory Vanguards), the investigative arm of the Somali Revolutionary Socialist Party (SRSP), the regional and district security committees, governors and commissioners. All of these agencies have powers of arrest but do not have the ability to release those arrested without approval from their superiors.

The National Security Service has special prisons throughout the country. The most notorious prison is located in Mogadishu and is known as “Godka (dungeon, cave) Jili’o”. Other notorious prisons are the National Security Service headquarters, Mogadishu Central Prison, Ranthambore, Rabatangiro, Bowen and Mandera Prisons.

The military regime’s corruption, state monopoly of the economy, incompetence, and widespread injustice led to a decline in living standards, loss of hope, and the rise of an armed insurgency that ultimately overthrew the repressive regime in January 1991. After a decade of statelessness and twelve years of transitional government, Somalis must negotiate a new social contract for a new republic that avoids the abuses, malfeasance, and incompetence of the overthrown repressive regime and remains faithful to the letter and spirit of the interim constitution approved on August 1, 2012.

Article 3(3) of the 2012 Constitution sets out the following principles for the new Republic:

“The Constitution of the Federal Republic of Somalia promotes human rights, the rule of law, general standards of international law, justice, participatory consultation and inclusive government, and the separation of powers among the legislative, executive and independent judiciary to ensure accountability, efficiency and responsiveness to the interests of the people.” Article 4 (1) states that “After the Shariah, the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Somalia is the supreme law of the land. It is binding on the Government and guides the policy initiatives and decisions of all branches of Government.” No authority can take actions that are inconsistent with the law. The challenge is that elected leaders want to rule according to their own wishes and interests rather than according to the Constitution.

The constitution allows for the establishment of five security agencies – the Somali National Army (SNA), the National Intelligence Agency (NISA), the Federal Police Force (FPF), the State Police Force (SPF) and the Federal Custodial Corps (FCC). Paramilitary and militia forces are prohibited, but regulated private security companies are permitted. The constitution provides a roadmap for the establishment of new security forces.

Article 130 requires the federal parliament to enact laws governing the federal government’s security apparatus. However, a decade on, these constitutional provisions have not been fulfilled. This failure has undermined public confidence and raised fears of civil unrest.

Article 111H establishes an independent National Security Commission, which is charged with establishing civilian oversight and monitoring mechanisms to monitor the performance of security agencies and redress abuses by their personnel. Article 127 sets out the three guiding principles for the security forces: (a) upholding the Constitution; (b) respecting the rule of law, democratic institutions and fundamental rights of citizens; and (c) practicing transparency, accountability and political neutrality.

The Constitution requires that members of the security forces be trained on the implementation of the Constitution, national laws and international treaties ratified by the Federal Parliament. The purpose of the training is to indoctrinate the security forces that they are not loyal to the President, the Commander-in-Chief. Again, this constitutional provision has not been implemented.

In December 2018, the former Minister of the Interior and current Minister of Justice held a press conference to announce the permanent closure of Godka (Dungeon) Jili’o. Unfortunately, the closure announcement was a blatant lie, likely intended to fend off criticism from international human rights defenders.

Similar to the security network of the overthrown military regime, NISA established and controlled various paramilitary forces that were not subject to the constitution. It operated in a worse manner than the former NSS, using prisons that were dilapidated and uninhabitable.

The country secretly and illegally recruited about 7,500 Somali youths who were sent to Eritrea. Despite the dissatisfaction of the parents of these youths, NISA has yet to give a clear answer on the fate of the Somali youths suspected of participating in the war in Tigray, Ethiopia.

While all security and paramilitary forces were involved in domestic politics and supported the usurper President Farmajo, NISA cared for and led Farmajo’s political interests, attacking opposition politicians, conducting rigged elections, plotting to extend his two-year term, and fomenting political crises to postpone elections or steal parliamentary seats for Farmajo supporters. It is an affront to fairness, accountability and justice that NISA officers, including its director, General Farhad Yassin, who was accused of assassinating a female BroadCast Unitedligence officer, Ikram Tahrir Farah, who lived in the perimeter of NISA headquarters, were stolen from parliamentary seats in broad daylight.

For inexplicable reasons, representatives of Western BroadCast Unitedligence agencies stationed in Somalia between 2017 and 2022 turned a blind eye to the violent and illegal acts committed by NISA, which had been reported by reputable international organizations. They successfully excluded NISA from security reform efforts. It is reasonable to assume that Western BroadCast Unitedligence officials knew about NISA’s violent attacks against former president and former minister Abdulrahman Abdishakur Warsam, which resulted in the killing of innocent civilians and the desecration of their bodies. This is clearly prima facie evidence that Western BroadCast Unitedligence agencies opposed the democratization of NISA.

On May 2, 2017, nine days before the Federal Government of Somalia and international partners met in London on May 11, 2017, Human Rights Watch released a report titled “Human Rights Priorities for the New Somali Government.” The report lists human rights violations by Somalia’s security forces and long-delayed security reforms. Human rights violations mentioned in the report include indiscriminate attacks, murder, rape, torture, arbitrary arrest and detention, extortion, and looting.

The report urged the Somali government and international partners to give serious attention to security reforms, make concrete recommendations to address documented human rights violations, and ensure accountability and improve justice. Sadly, nothing has been done in the past five years.

The report specifically points out that the National Security Service has broad powers to arrest, detain and torture citizens without legal basis. It also points out that since Farmajo took control of the security forces and became a “de facto warlord”, the federal parliament, the interior and defense ministries, and the judicial system have been powerless to oversee the security forces.

It is well known that Fahad Yassin, former NSA chief and current National Security Advisor to usurper President Farmajo, has improperly collaborated with Qatar’s National Security Agency and he has never been accountable to anyone. Recently, he admitted in an open letter that he was only loyal to Farmajo’s will and instructions, not to the Constitution.

The United States, the United Kingdom, the European Union, Turkey, the UAE, France, Qatar, Sudan, Eritrea and Ethiopia all support NISA and are aware of the crimes it has committed. In particular, the United States, Qatar and Eritrea have supported NISA over the past five years, during which time NISA has committed the most heinous crimes against the opposition, journalists and innocent civilians, illegally recruited Somali youths who have been missing for nearly three years, and assassinated female BroadCast Unitedligence officer Ikram Tahrir Farah and many other officials without being held accountable. These foreign countries are responsible for the assassinations, violence and crimes committed by NISA over the past five years.

Journalist Ayanle Hussein Abdi, owner of the “Hanoolaato Media Network”, interviewed credible witnesses – Abdullahi Mohamed Nur, Abdisatar Hassan Ali and Abdisalam Yusuf Guled, who narrated the atrocities committed by NISA against them and others. The interviews were conducted in Somali and posted on the YouTube channel “Hanoolaato” for public information, awareness and reaction.

Western BroadCast Unitedligence agencies should publicly and actively support the dismantling of the unreformable National Intelligence Service, paving the way for a new BroadCast Unitedligence service that is loyal to the constitution and the rule of law and capable of providing professional domestic and foreign BroadCast Unitedligence services. Well-thought-out laws, well-trained and vetted leaders and personnel, oversight and monitoring structures, and financial and technical support will ensure improvements in security and justice in Somalia.

Dr. Mohammed M. Skeel